Summary Report

4th NATIONAL CONFERENCE

26-28, MAY 2012

NATIONAL FORUM OF FOREST PEOPLE AND FOREST WORKERS, (N.F.F.P.F.W.)

NOORALAM NAGAR

DEHRADUN, UTTARAKHAND

The 4^th national conference of NFFPFW was organized with lot of enthusiasm and expectation. The spontaneous participation of member and fraternal delegates was very encouraging. Around 500 delegates representing 200 thousand forest dependent people across the country from around 19 states and three neighboring countries Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal participated in this conference. More than 80% delegates were from the forest communities. The participation of the South Asian fraternal delegates in this conference made this conference very significant. With their participation many important issues regarding the natural resources could be discussed at the South Asian level.

Most significant feature of this conference was that the women from diverse communities came together in large numbers to assert their position on crucial issues and set the agenda for the future struggle against the neo-liberal capitalist onslaught on the natural resources. The assertions of women groups came up very strongly who said that they are the real custodian of the natural resources and not the Forest Department (FD). They raised important political questions on community governance and also suggested strategies to deal with such issues at social and political levels. With their forceful and forthright expression against the eminent domain the entire conference atmosphere was charged with the women strength. Resolutions were adopted at the end of the conference.

The main theme of the conference was around five issues –

1. Setting the people’s agenda for struggle against neo-liberal regime: collective struggle by the natural resource based traditional working people for protection of livelihood and resources.
2. Strengthening the collective process of production and reproduction of natural resources i.e. forestry, agriculture, fisheries and mining
3. Strategic alliance building with other natural resource based working people’s organizations focusing on vulnerable areas with workers’ movements
4. Self strengthening process of community leadership in the forest rights movement to create an alternative forest governance system under the community leadership. 
5. Women and Forest Governance, Strengthening of women leadership at all levels in the movement and in the organization from local to national level.

Public Hearing-26^th May 2012

On the first day morning, 26^th May 2012, Public Hearing was organized in Com. Bharati Sabhagar, on the issue of “National Parks/ Sanctuaries (NP’s/S) and implementation of FRA” in which around 1200 people participated from different NP’s/Sanctuaries of 12 regions. This public hearing was organized to address the difficult areas in the implementation of FRA and the challenges ahead for the national level organization NFFPFW to adopt various strategies to deal with such issues. The public hearing set the momentum for the national conference of NFFPFW in a very high pitch. The depositions made were mostly from the Tiger project and elephant project such as Dudhwa Tiger project ( UP), Corbett Tiger Project (Uttarakhand), Buxa Tiger Reserve ( North Bengal), Sundarban Tiger Reserve ( West Bengal), Kumbhal garh wild life sanctuary ( Rajasthan), Rajaji National Park (UK), Great Himalayan NP ( Himachal Pradesh), Achanakmar (Chattisgarh), Van Santuary ( Bihar), Kaimur, Ranipur, Sohagibarua, Katarniaghat ( UP). The deposition of village Jayanti, Buxa Tiger reserve was given in written as they reached late. These depositions revealed the status of implementation of FRA in the country, where no stone is unturned to evict people brutally by the F.D. with the support of the local administration. The forest people narrated their tales and woes and the extent of human rights violation that is taking place inside the park areas so much so that even after the enforcement of FRA the basic Constitutional rights are still denied to the residents of the NP’s. The residents are being forced to take the package of Rs. 10L or move out without compensation by applying repressive methods for eviction. The stories from Dudwa, Sundarban, Rajaji, Katarniaghat, Kumbhalgarh were horrifying and it depicted how the civil and state administrations are still surrendering before the hegemony of the Forest Department (FD) and is not showing any political will to implement the Special Act that has been passed by the Parliament to protect the forest rights of the forest people. However, few success stories were also narrated where in NP’s some major achievements have been attained after coming of FRA. These were the cases from Dudhwa NP where village Soorma, a forest village was granted the rights and in now in the process of conversion into revenue village. Second was Granting of titles in Tongia forest village around the Sohagibarua Sanctuary in Mahrajganj, UP to OTFD. And the other achievement was High Court judgment from Nanitital HC regarding settling the vangujjar nomadic tribes in the Rajaji NP according to FRA.

The public hearing set the political agenda for the conference and the depositions clearly said that “Now the forest should be handed over to the forest people and FD is not capable of protection of the forest resources, it hails the colonial legacy, there should be change in the overall structure of FD and they should be moved out of the forest.”

Many delegates from important forest areas of Tamilnadu, Karnataka, A.P., and Kerala could not reach Dehradun due to problem in getting train reservations. They sent their written reports later.  The important delegation from Assam could not reach because of arrest of KMSS leader Akhil Gogoi during anti big dam agitation.

The organizers of the conference invited the officials and the Minister Social Welfare that is the nodal agency for implementing FRA.  The official from Uttarakhand Govt and Ministers did not attend the proceeding even after their confirmations. The F.D. created a fear among the govt officials and the ministries that the programme was organized to capture the Rajaji N.P., where struggle has been carried on against the attempt to evict Vangujjars for last 5 years. It is to be noted that the F.D. has been functioning more as a political group working against the Law and Constitution and not as a govt department obliged to follow the rule of law.

The Inaugural session

Abhay Sahoo - Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti

 

The Inaugural session was started in the evening of 26^th May 2012 at 6.PM at NoorAlam Nagar in Geetanjali Gardens. At the beginning, all the delegates paid tribute to the departed leaders of the forest movement that included – Goura Devi, Dr. Viniyan, Bharati Roy Chowdhury, Dr. Ramdayal Munda, NoorAlam, Prem Khawas, Vallsamma, Mahendra Bhalla. Slogans were raised and songs were sung to mark tribute to the departed leaders. The women walked into the Prem Khawas Gate and Dr. Vinayan Square with the flag pole and red flag of NFFPFW in their hands. For some moments they stood still in front of the stage, in memory of their beloved comrades. Then in a scoop of emotions, they posted the flag in front of Dr. Vinayan Square and Revolutionary poet Girda manch - amidst raising of slogans ‘Long Live  Martyrs’ and the singing of International in Hindi and Urdu. The Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Nepali women stood shoulder to shoulder with Indian forest working women in an amazing moment of South Asian working class unity. This whole moment charged the delegates and the guests who had participated in the conference. The flag was held by the women and they raised slogans while posting the flag collectively on the ground.

                           

The inaugural session was conducted in Dr. Viniyan Square. Before formally beginning the inaugural address a cultural evening was performed in Girda culture square by Dr. Subhendu Ghosh who is a renowned Hindustani Classical singer and also founder member of the cultural organization Pratidhwani. He was introduced by Vijayan MJ from ‘Sangharsh’ to the delegates with the thematic issues of the cultural struggles. He sang beautiful songs that represented the four streams of the social and political movement since independence struggle. These four streams were also the theme of the conference. The four themes that was sung by Dr. Subhendu Ghosh was the revolutionary spirit of Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh “ Uru-ze kamyabi par kabhi hindostan hoga”, the radical peasant movement spirit by Maqdoom Mohiudeen “ yeh jung hai jung-e azadi, azadi ke parcham ke tale”, the contribution of Birsa Munda and Adivasi struggles in independence movement “ Chal khandh hature janam lenam Birsa” and the vision and strength of women movement, a poetry of Gorakh Pandey on a dream of a dalit women “ sutal rehli sapan ek dekhli” was sung. Along with this poetry of “Faiz Ahmed Faiz” was also sung. This presentation colored the entire atmosphere with a revolutionary spirit and set the momentum of the conference.

The inaugural session was conducted by Roma. The theme of the inaugural session was on “setting the people’s agenda against the neo-liberal regime – collective struggle by natural resource based traditional working people for protection of livelihood and resources.” The Chief Guest of the inaugural session was Mr. Abhay Sahoo, POSCO partirodh sangram samiti, Guest of Honour Sh S.P. Baghel ( MP, Rajya Sabha); other distinguished guest who were invited on the dias were Co-Chairpersons Ms. Jarjum ete ( Ex member, Jt review committee GOI on FRA) and Com.D Thankappan( President, NTUI);other leaders of fraternal organizations Fraoorq Tariq, Azra Shad(Pakistan), Bhola Bhattaria, Babita Chowdhury(Nepal), Manjurani Pramanik(Bangladesh), Guman singh (Himalayan Niti Abhiyan), Gautam Bandopadhaya(Nadi Ghati Morcha), Anil chaudhary ( PEACE), Vijayan MJ ( PSA), Madhuresh (NAPM), Ashim Roy (NTUI). The welcome address was given by the Chairperson of the Reception Committee Shri Sanjay Garg (EX State Minister, UP Govt) . He welcomed all the delegates of NFFPFW and fraternal delegates. Sh. Sanjay Garg introduced the subject and theme of the inaugural session too. The programme of the conference was discussed by him narrating the important sessions that will take place in coming two days. He strongly said that the main onslaught on the natural resources is from the neo-liberal regime and that needs to be fought. Rajya Sabha MP Sh. SPS Baghel declared the opening of the 4^th conference and said that he was very happy to address the meet on forest and natural resources that turned to be an international meeting. He made very significant points on the relation of forest people with forest and how strategy needs to be built to integrate both and work on this aspect. Chief Guest Abhay Sahoo made a very heartening speech in context of the

POSCO struggle and protection of the natural resources from the loot of the corporate and the government. He emphasized the role of women and children in the resistance movement against the biggest FDI project by a giant international corporation.  He extended full support to the movements for protection of  natural resources and said that all the movements taking place on the natural resources needs to be united and needs to be federated. The session was adjourned at 9.30 pm and reconvened on the second day morning when the guest speakers from Pakistan, Nepal and Bangla Desh spoke eloquently and with the previous day’s enthusiasm about the commonness of the problems and struggles of South Asian Nations. The session was concluded with the speeches of Chairpersons Ms Jarjum and D.Thankappan.   

On the second day, NTUI Gen Sect Ashim Roy introduced the organizational issues in the forest rights movement and emphasized building of leadership and the organization from the forest range level to the national level. He also stressed the need for building up effective alliances with other movements.

Then convener’s report was placed by Sh. Ashok Chowdhury, Convener, NFFPFW. He explained the details of the report focusing on

1.      Genesis of forest rights movements in India during and after colonial period.

2.      The history of NFFPFW from 1992-1998, the formation of NFFPFW in 1998 in Ranchi and the period from then to present situation.

3.      Political situation in the context of NFFPFW movement focusing community leadership and its relations with other sections of the society.

4.      Alliance building with other natural resource based working people’s movements.

5.      Organizational questions: the role of community leadership, role of middle class activists, strengthening of women and youth leadership.

6.      Proposed organizational structural changes. Need to create a federation structure from the Forum structure. Formation of secretariat in place of steering committee, with President, General Sect. and Secretaries.

 Discussion on the report followed after that. Delegates from each constituent, distinguished guest and fraternal delegates made their interventions on the convener report.

Later during the next sessions till the last day the decisions to work towards alternate institutions and create collectives to protect land from alienation by demanding community rights instead of individual rights came up very strongly especially from the women delegates. On the third day, in the Women and Forest Governance session the articulation of their demands and determination with which women delegates raised their strong view points on their issues indicated that the tribal belts in various regions are poised for a strong movement to regain their rights. Women community leaders strongly resolved to take leadership in establishing Community Forest Governance in all the forest regions and would drive out F.D. from the forest area if it continues to oppose the community rights which are already ensured in F.R.A. So, the movement for reclaiming the lost space(land and forest) will continue. In the concluding note of this session Roma, Shantaji, all the women delegates and also  men recalled the contribution of departed comrade Bharati Roy chowdhury in building  women’s land right movement. Every member became emotionally charged in raising slogans and singing song in her memory. It was felt she is very much present there.

The conference expressed that it is important that the continued opposition of the Forest Department and state administrations against the land claims and other rights including the right to collect forest produce is a matter in which Forest Authorities and State Administrations cannot hold on for long. In fact their credibility is getting eroded and they are losing their moral right to control and manage forests in the wake of continued destruction of the forests under their management. On the contrary the forest dwellers claim that they are legitimately working towards protection of forests. Their claim is getting popular support and in the official corridors this claim is becoming a legitimate claim of the struggling millions of forest dwellers. Simultaneously, this is an opportune time to launch a strong national movement. A movement that can catch the attention of the nation and create conducive environment for the movement to sustain.

The conference took note of the fact that Govt is currently finalizing certain amendments in the FRA Rules to remove certain anomalies and ambiguities in the Act and the Tribal Welfare Ministry of GOI is moving towards announcing a minimum support price for 13 items to tribals for forest produce like tendu, bamboo, resin, etc, to provide direct income to the tribal and other forest dweller rather than to the middlemen who control the Rs. 50,000 cr annual trades today. It has been said that “the intention of the ministry is to see that the forest communities get better price and with the MSP, the middlemen can be eliminated”. If the intention of the ministry is to be made really beneficial, the government must create a conducive atmosphere for the communities to collect the forest produce and create alternate collective institutions to replace middlemen.  The need for creation of cooperatives in forest communities needs to be argued very strongly now. Such initiative of the communities must necessarily be supported by the government action. Otherwise mafia rooted in the trade along with all others with vested interests will sabotage the entire effort.

The above two announcements at this juncture will have to be properly utilized by appropriate memorandum to government for amendment in the FRA Rules for promoting community rights and collective management through alternate institutions. In order to really give benefits to tribal and other forest dweller communities, alternate management system for forests is a necessity and creation of cooperatives of the forest communities to procure forest produce and market it to secure better price and eliminate middlemen is important.

Organizational Decisions:

 Amendments in Constitution were proposed –

Ø    Forming a Federation structure to strengthen the regional bodies.

Ø    Establishing a Secretariat in place of Steering Committee by electing Secretaries from movement groups;

Ø    Election of Chairperson and General Secretary.

1. In order to form the federation structure a new Constitution has to be drafted. Three member committee on constitution drafting for the proposed Federation  will be set up in consultation with leading activists and with all the constituents as well.
2. The decision to elect the National Committee with two representatives from each constituent or around 30 regions was taken.
3. The decision to elect minimum 16 secretaries to carry on various organizational responsibilities through consultations with the constituents and finalize formalities in respect of finalization of Interim Secretariat of the Federation.
4. The draft constitution will be placed before the Interim Secretariat for finalization.
5. Finally the approved draft constitution should be placed for adoption in a formally constituted delegate session.
6. In order to consolidate the organization and its functions all the above will be done within the next 3-4 months to provide a structure of the proposed federation.
7. Regional level meetings will be convened to discuss the new structure of the organization across the country.
8. To draft the memorandum based on the discussions emerged out of the three day conference and be submitted by a delegation to the Tribal Affair Minister as soon as possible.
9. The conference has elected Ms. Jarjum Ete as President and. Sh. Ashok Choudhury as Gen. Secretary of NFFPFW. The rest of the organizational decisions will be taken in the national committee meeting in July 2012 in Delhi.
10. Decision to form National Advisory Committee was also taken. The NAC will provide guidance to the organization on political, legal matters and on conducting research studies. Sh. Sanjay Garg will be co-coordinating the committee. This committee will be constituted by the National Committee.

The valedictory session was addressed by M. Aslam Khan (Ex. Forest Minister, UP Govt) and Sh. Suresh Prabhu (Ex. Environment Minister, GOI). They both emphasized that the implementation of FRA and protection of the forest resources now depends of the community who is custodian of these resources. They said the F.D has a colonial legacy and they have failed to protect this vital resource that is why FRA has come. They both said that the village level organization needs to be strengthened in the leadership of the women than only the forest resources could be protected. They also said that it is up to the community to take a lead role in climate justice issues also.

Resolutions

1.     This conference resolves to undertake a comprehensive programme to rejuvenate forests through collective efforts at village level in the coming five years. We the community will do a mapping of the natural resources available or local to our habitats and develop a plan to cultivate welfare of the community. This conference resolves to work for women’s equal right in forest and land and unequal structures prevalent in our patriarchal society. We assert the equal rights to property and community resources and their decision- making institutions at all levels and recognize that women’s knowledge and experiences which have been ignored and undermined, this needs to be acknowledged as fundamental in creating a new social and economic order. The conference resolves that mass organization will be strengthened by developing mass leadership of women and men. Extra efforts will be made to make the women leadership and organization strong.

2.     The views of the conference that the hitherto experiences indicate clearly that the Forest Department can no longer protect the forests. Their involvement in destruction of the forests in the past is also a matter to be viewed seriously by the government to create

    

alternate institutions to manage the forests by withdrawing the forest dept from its current role. Our federation and the forest communities are prepared to propose an alternate arrangement with the involvement of forest communities and respective gram Sabha. We can work out a credible alternative of community Forest governance involving forest communities. An innovative system of governance that will have the involvement and commitment of forest communities to protect the forest. Our Federation must work towards such an arrangement with the concurrence of the Govt. and commitment and involvement from the forest communities.

3.     The existing provision of the community right must be amended appropriately so as to grant community entitlement of land that will enable them to engage in collective/ cooperative farming and forestry. We may also argue that such a conceptual move on the part of the communities will ensure the prevention of land alienation in the future. Such an arrangement will also ensure a collective responsibility of the communities to protect the forest and other natural resources.

4.     This conference extends its solidarity to:

·         The struggle of fish workers, agricultural workers and others against  the proposed destructive nuclear power plants at koodam kulam(Tamil Nadu) and Jaitapur (Maharashtra).We  understand and join these struggles with the conviction that these two struggles will be subjected to the worst forms of authoritarianism that the Indian state will unleash.

·         We support and join the very important battle being fought by the agricultural workers, farmers, and fish workers of Jagatsinghpur (Orissa) against the POSCO steel plant and port. We salute revolutionary struggle being led by POSCO Pratisodh Sangram Samiti. We share the understanding that the struggle against POSCO by the people of Orissa is an iconic battle against global capitalism and Foreign Direct Investment.

·         NFFPFW endorses the struggles of our constituent organization against the Forest Department Police and other repressive institutions of the Indian state. Governance of natural resources must be through a process of decentralization of governing structure as against the present form of highly centralized structure. We unilaterally extend solidarity to the constituent members in Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar , West Bengal, Gorkhaland, Andra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Assam, Arunanchal Pradesh, entire North East,  etc. against national and multinational corporations through their destructive

projects. We condemn the brutal police, FD’s and feudal mafia attack on movements in Khiri UP, Rewa MP, and other forest areas.

·         NFFPFW extends solidarity to the people’s struggles against mega dams in North East India, led by people of Assam (KMSS), Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur (Mapithel and Tipamukh movements)

·         NFFPFW extends solidarity to the North East and Jammu & Kashmir people’s struggles against AFSPA and demands the withdrawal of the colonial, draconian Act.

5.     We resolve to ensure the constitution of Forest Rights committees in all the villages where the organization is active as per the procedures specified in the FRA, 2006. We resolve to get the committees reconstituted if they do not adhere to the ACT or now been constituted without the consent and full participation of people in the gram sabha. Our work will involve activating these committees so that they can undertake the filling and processing of claims forms under FRA.

6.     We recognize that we need to strengthen our organization at the level of the village. We resolve to undertake programmes and activities which can ensure effective village governance through the instrument of the gram sabha. It is through a strong village level organization that we can ensure that welfare schemes can be implemented to the benefit of the working people. We will ensure that all the village resources will be protected and used to provide sustainable livelihoods to the people.

7.     We reject the model of development pursued by the Indian State which is neo-liberal and based on the logic of supremacy of the market forces. We have taken on the challenge to evolve alternative development model. Our alternatives will be based on the rights of the people to natural resources and we will evolve forms of co-operative systems to produce, manage, market and distribute the minor forest produce from each region. In addition, we resolve to undertake co-operative farming. Our alternative models will address both the economic and social issues confronting the people through knowledge sharing of legal provisions and co-operative management.

8.     We understand that peace can be ensured only when there is equality and justice. We resolve that this will aim at greater co-ordination between various working people organizations across South Asian countries. This conference also demands that the visa regimes be abandoned between south Asian countries.

9.     We assert that the current ecological crisis can be resolved not through technical development but only by rejecting the current world order which is based on unequal distributions of resource between and within countries. Only a civilization opposed to the imperialistic and capitalist global system can resolve the climate crisis and protect the environment. The perspectives of the natural resource based communities and indigenous communities have to play an important role in ensuring climate justice.

The list of distinguished delegates and fraternal delegates given below:

Note : The main sessions took place in Com. Bharati Hall,  dinner and lunch served to our foreign delegates was in “Sahadat Hasan Manto South Asian Mandup”, the small group discussion were organized in “ Gaura devi Mandup” and “ Mahendra Bhalla Mandup

Names of the Pakistani delegates:  Farooq  Tariq, Spokesperson , Pakistan Labour Party, Azra Shad, chairperson Women Workers Help Line (WWHL), Riffet Maqsood general secretary WWHL, Yousaf Baluch, chairman National Trade Union Federation, Mehmood Butt, general secretary Pakistan Bhatta Mazdoor Union, Ashfaq Ali president Labour Qaumi Movement Faisalabad division, , Bilal Gauri Jounalist Daily Express Lahore, Mazhar Iqbal Chief Reporter ARY TV Channel, Salma Yasmin, Asif Toor, coordination secretary of National Trade Union Federation Punjab.

Name of the Nepalese delegates: Mr. Bhola Bhattarai he is
facilitating/advising to forestry federations and trade union movement
in Nepal, Bachu Shah Kanu, Member, National Executive committee, Federation
of Community Forestry Users, Nepal (FECOFUN), Kathmandu Nepal, Satya Narayan Tharu, Member, Center committee, Association Of Collaborative Forest Users, Nepal (ACOFUN), Babita Chaudhary, Member Center commiittee, ACOFUN, Menaka Raigai,Member, CC, ACOFUN, Hari Maharjan, General Secretary, Construction and Allied Workers
Union, Nepal CAWUN), Kathmandu Nepal.

Name of delegate from Bangladesh: Manjurani Pramanik, Ex Director, Shoroney, Dhaka, Bangladesh, working with Tribal people.

Speakers Name in delegate sessions: Various distinguished guests and community leaders addressed the sessions and were made a very strong presence in the conference. They included Tapan Bose (PIPFPD)Prafulla Samantra(Samajbadi Jan Parishad, Odisha), Prashant Paikray , D. Thankappan, Ashim Roy ( President and Gen. Sect. NTUI), Ditthi Bhattacharya ( NTUI), Tarun Joshi ( Van Panchaya manch Uttarakhand), Munnilal, KN Tiwari, Kamala Pant, Ganga Arya, Parvati devi Jahanvi,(Uttarakhand) Gautam Bandopadhaya, Rashmi(Chhatisgadh), Guman Singh, D.Dukhia, Puran Chand, Nandlal, Akshay ( Himalaya Niti Abhiyan,Himachal), Jarjum Ete, Ojingtasing, (Arunanchal Pradesh), Prabhat Sinha ( Rajasthan Mazdoor Kisan Union), Debashish (NFF, WB), Gilbirt (NFF, TN) Madhuresh ( NAPM), Harsh Dhobal (HRLN), Vijayan M.J, Anil Vergese ( PSA),  Sushovan Dhar, Pratip Nag, Angul Das,( Sundarban Banadhikar Samiti), Jahoor Hasan, Noorjamal(Rajaji N.P. Uttarakhand), Ramchander Rana, Rajnish, Sokalo devi, Lalti Devi, Shanta Bhattacharjee, , Kaushalrani, Behna devi, Nabada devi, Rukma devi, Kamla rani, Prema, Kadma devi, Fatima, Shakuntala, Kismata devi, Amar singh, Hari singh, Jung Bahadur, Phulmati, Ramesh Shukla, Ravi Srivastava,Ramdas(U.P.),Rani,Matadyal(M.P.)ArjunBhai,BijoyJena(Odisha)Balkeshwar,Shanker(Bihar), Gourango(N.Bengal), Prabhat Sinha (Rajasthan)

Documentation: Janaki Srinivasan ( Punjab University), Anil, Ashima( P.S.A. New Delhi), Bhargavi (Delhi Fourm), Roma (NFFPFW)

Documentation Hindi: Rajnish (NFFPFW) Praduman Kumar (Vikalp)

Video Documentation: Girish Pant (PMARC) and Anand (IBN7 Hindi)

Important political speakers in innaguaral & valedictory sessions were: Abhay Sahoo (National Council Member,C.P.I.) Prashant Paikarey (Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti) SPS Baghel (MP, Rajya Sabha), Sh. Aslam Khan (Ex. Forest Minister, UP Govt, Gen Secy, Samajvadi Party), Sh. Sanjay Garg ( Ex. Minister UP Govt, Sh. Suresh Prabhu ( Ex. Environ Minister, GOI) P.C. Tiwary ( Advocate Uttarakhand High Court,Nainital)

 see link http://sanhati.com/excerpted/4988/

Women’s Control of Forests Through Community Forest Rights

April 26, 2012

By Roma
Today natural resources – land, forests, air, mineral and water – are under major attack from neo-liberalism, wherein a few are usurping the rights and access of a significant proportion of the disempowered. Unsustainable economic development and inequitable growth based on an economy dependent on the use of fossil-fuels and extractive industries — which intensified in the last 60 years — have led to a sharp rise in carbon emissions, way beyond what the Earth can absorb. Climate change has become a serious threat to the poor. In India, widespread and significant impacts of climate change have been noticed in many regions. These impacts adversely affect the urban working poor, the lives and livelihoods of the Himalayan and other hill people, fishing communities and other coastal and island communities, small and marginal farmers and agricultural workers, dalits, women, adivasis, forest dwellers, and other disadvantaged and marginalized communities in different regions. Large-scale displacement is taking place in these regions as agriculture is no longer fully viable but no alternative livelihood opportunities are given to people. Elites are also influencing environmental policies further alienating people from their resource base. Their struggle is not only against poverty; it is also a struggle for dignity, identity and culture. It is also the basis for women’s struggle – the struggle for livelihood rights.
However, as the thirst of capital for minerals and fossil fuels intensifies, so has the resistance to protect these vast tracts of land that are under forest cover and inhabited traditionally by adivasis, and other forest dwellers. The opposition against neoliberal policies adopted by the government is led by tribal, dalit, poor and working class women who are the most dependent on forest resources. Now it is clear that the next war against neo-colonial powers will by fought to gain control over natural resources to end the loot that started some 250 years ago.
When there was no concept of the nation state, society was the owner of vast natural resources; at the time women were more free. With the creation of the myth of the nation-state by the British, tribals and other forest dwellers were alienated from the forest. The British created the Forest Department (FD) thus making it the biggest “landlord” of forestland similar to the “landlord system” in agriculture, which passed control and powers to absentee landlords. Community control of forests was replaced with state and individual control that was concentrated in the hands of men only. Thus womenfolk were alienated from the resource base making communities more vulnerable. Powerful sections of society, with the support from the state, then appropriated these resources and poor were forced to sell their labour in the market. The process of marketisation and commodification of forest output was set in motion and livelihood resources were traded to fulfil the demands of industries. Stringent laws like the Indian Forest Act (1927) further maintained people’s alienation from their forests. Women were the ultimate losers in this process; they lost control over forest resources to the market forces once these resources were traded.
The tribal society was based on barter system with a strong virtue of madad (help in local language). The strength of the barter system was reciprocity and replenishment of the natural livelihood resources by the communities but this reciprocity was eroded and destroyed by the British and post-Independence Indian governments.
The present market system forces some people to be exploited as wage labour but it also benefits some others. For example, FD’s monopoly on forest resources created losers out of those most forest-dependent but benefited those who could take advantage of conditions created for higher profits. Women were the biggest losers. According to senior bureaucrat Shri K.B. Saxena, former Rural Development Secy., GoI, “if market comes between the use of natural resource then women will not be able to defeat the heavy nexus of market that is based on exploitation. Women do not have the capacity to deal and fight with these giant market forces.” Based on his experiences from posting in Bihar (not in Santhal Pargana of Jharkhand), “a tribal is exploited eight times in the market – dealings that starts with moneylenders, bankers, brokers, Forest Department, Railways, Police, buyer in the city.” Women living in forest villages previously had access to forest resources and assets and hence were more empowered within the household and society. This power has been weakened by the market. The neoliberal policy agenda has thrown tribals and forest dwellers, especially women in the jaws of a dangerous market economy thus limiting their rights or making them non-existent.
If women get independent rights to forests, it will lead to development and prosperity and the resources and assets will be utilized in a better way. There are two schools of thought in terms of women’s rights on natural resources. One is focused on efficiency and welfare and the other focuses on women’s struggle for equality and social justice. The former attempts to spread a neoliberal agenda whereas the latter is a struggle for equality and social justice, which should be the prime agenda for women’s struggle for right to natural resources. However, the context of women living in forest and agrarian areas is very different. In forest communities, women are independent, possess a fairly high degree of mobility, community linkages are much stronger and there is less male domination. Also, social and community control can be exercised over vast resources.
Women in struggle, especially those dependent on natural resources, are also simultaneously working on alternatives against a profit oriented market economy to advocate the community governance of these natural resources. This even though the fight ahead is tough and involves not only international capital but also patriarchy entrenched in an age-old feudal structure. The conflict in the forested and coastal landscape of the country is of property vs. livelihood rights, private vs. community rights, state governance vs. community forest/natural resource governance. These struggles are democratic in nature, and militant with a collective political consciousness and a clear understanding of the conflict between people and the state. Through their collective struggles, poor women living in forested regions of the state are challenging and putting in jeopardy a greedy and anti-people state that has sold out to imperialist interests. New forms of labour and community organisations are being born of these resistance movements. This is the context in which the present write-up is based. It will discuss the emerging political consciousness of tribal, dalit and other forest dwelling women and bring new debates to the forefront.
Ever since the time that women have been considered “property” and valued merely for their reproductive role in the households, they have been denied access to resources and property both by the state and family. Though our Constitution promulgates “Equality before law” in Article no 14 and “Prohibition of discrimination on ground of religion, race, caste, sex and place of birth” in Article 15, women have been denied an equal share in natural resources and property including land. While land reform policies were undertaken after Independence, nationalized forests were excluded from reform. Further, due to lack of adequate political will, landlords were the major beneficiaries. Nevertheless, land reform policies, revenue laws and personal laws adopted by the Indian State are based on discrimination against women who cultivate agricultural land, collect NTFPs and are landless. Women are neither recognised as “cultivators” nor “gatherers” of food. Hence there are no provisions in land reform or other laws of the forest [1] to protect their social-political-economic rights over livelihood resources. The State has failed to provide equal rights to women in ownership of all resources and therefore poor women in the unorganized sectors are mobilizing and organizing themselves to secure rights that have been denied to them thus far, take back their livelihoods, and resist the takeover and degradation of forests, land, water and minerals. They are thus more successful than the elite-led environmental lobby in the fight to save ecology, environment and life systems. These struggles are highly visible in Kaimur region of U.P., Bihar, Chengera region of Kerala, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, Assam, West Bengal, Rewa (MP) and the Shivalik regions of Uttarakhand.
The struggle inside the forest area has been led by forest people, essentially by tribals; it has been essentially democratic and women have played important leadership roles. The enactment of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 (FRA) is the result of this historic struggle. The FRA has created a democratic and political space for challenging forest policies – a space that was denied to people ever since British rule in India. While it is still unclear whether people will get their titles or not, it is quite evident that their political assertion will lead them to attain more than mere titles. This political assertion can also be seen in women living in forested areas in the country. For the first time, an Act talks about the rights of forest people and women, both individual and community rights. Though this legislation spells very little for women’s control over forest resources, the inclusion of joint rights to men and women clearly recognizes the dependence of women on forest products for their livelihoods and the women’s role in conserving natural resources. The challenge now lies in using these provisions to the benefit of women forest dwellers so that they may increase their control over forest resources.
The use of “women” and “forests” as synonyms has a material basis. Women spend almost 80 percent of their time in collecting fuel wood, fodder, grass, NTFP (Non Timber Forest Produce) etc from the forest and the sex ratio is higher in forested areas. Women living in forests are not dependent on their families for their survival, instead forests provide food security to them and thus they are more independent. Ramshakal, a tribal from village Manbasa, sonbhadra, UP says, “earlier when we use to feel hungry our parents use to send us to forest but now when a tribal child feels hungry he runs towards house”. This simple statement is very good analysis of how the tribal economy was based on forest and the shift in food security due to lack of control and forest depletion. State-promoted commercial forestry (typically of monocultures) in the last six decades has completely changed the ecology of forests; prevented the growth of grass, shrubs, and herbs; and destroyed the biodiversity, flora and fauna of various regions. This has also rendered traditional knowledge useless.
The FRA has the potential to give an altogether new dimension to conservation, management and governance of forests. Section 3 of the FRA clearly discusses individual and community rights. However, if implemented properly it can potentially increase women’s bargaining power and increase their security. Individual titles issued in the names of both the husband and wife, as mandated in the FRA, have boosted women’s confidence in our experience. While the Act does not discriminate between single and married women, procuring titles for single women in many parts of the country requires a strong movement. However, once achieved, it will strengthen the position of women in households as titles obtained through the FRA are neither inheritable nor transferable. This will allow women to exercise control over land and forest resources.
Women can exercise the highest degree of control through community rights. But due to the connivance of the Forest Department along with feudal powers, corporates, mafias, and bureaucracy this aspect is not being adequately implemented. The Forest Department and the State fear the loss of control of important resources coveted by private interests. The FD, for instance, holds 23 % of the total land mass in India of which only less 9 % of the area is actually forested. Women living in forested areas have realised that they can remedy the lack of implementation by taking control over and organising for their rights. In various forest regions women have banded together and formed associations and organisations in order to challenge the motive for commercial forestry usually in conjunction with international development agencies. They are opposing joint forest management (JFM) programmes that are being imposed on forest people to subvert the FRA. According to Shri S.B. Saxena, women’s struggle is aimed at three levels:
1. Against the government
2. Against the male domination in the society
3. Against the feudal, capitalist and ruling classes.
The struggle of resources is both local and national and therefore all three levels should be targeted and we must prepare strategies accordingly to stake women’s control over natural resources. The conflict is intensifying as they pose a challenge to eminent domain of the State and are reclaiming lost political space by taking dakhal (possession) of land appropriated by the State. The Women’s Forest Rights Action Committee (WFRAC) was formed for the purpose of asserting community rights. In various areas such as Sonbhadra, Khiri in UP, Chattisgarh, Odissa many such community initiatives have opposed commercial planting and instead women are engaging in plantations that are useful to the community. In these areas there is intense ongoing discussion on how to safeguard these initiatives, build up the institutions and influence policies to strengthen community institutions such as cooperatives.
The WFRAC was aided by the National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers and NTUI but has established its own independent identity. The organisation has inspired women from other forest areas to actively participate in forest struggles. Our agenda therefore needs to be focused on the following:
• Equal rights to natural resources should be provided to women in all revenue and forest laws. In this context amendments to existing laws or new legislations are required.
• The amendments in the Hindu Succession Act, 2005 that have allowed daughters an equal share in ancestral property have not been reflected in the laws of individual states as land is a state subject. State land laws should thus be suitably amended.
• Women should be recognised as collectors, gatherers, peasants and producers. This should reflect in development schemes implemented to benefit them and their children. An important component includes that of education. Women’s traditional knowledge should be recognised and enhanced.
• Land reform legislations and forest laws should be linked with traditional health systems. Women should receive encouragement and training for para-health medical practitioners.
• Women should be encouraged to play leadership roles in new institutional forms that protect livelihoods and natural resources, and ensure economic and environmental justice.
Case study: Reclaimation of land and plantation of forest by women in Kaimur
Hundreds of traditional trees useful for people like neem, lemon, sehjan, amla, jamun, mango, chironji, and mahua were planted symbolically in subdivision and District Court premises on 4th July 2011 by thousands of tribal women and men to protest against the plantation drive by Forest Department funded by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). This plantation programme by tribal was taken in massive scale under the banner of National Forum of Forest People and Forest Worker and locally-based Kaimur Kshetra Mahila Mazdoor Sangarsh Samiti in all the lands that were reclaimed by tribal in Kaimur region of Sonbhadra, UP, Jharkhand and Bihar in last few years. This Rs. 500 crore JICA project contravenes the provisions of the FRA and is viewed as an attempt by the Forest Department to retain control over forestland.
The movement to reclaim forestland in the entire Kaimur region was undertaken by tribal and other forest dwellers even before the FRA was passed. After five successful years of this movement, forest people have been growing crops, and extracting forest produce even in drought years. This has brought food and livelihood security and they have given up working in the fields of feudal lords who were using them as bonded labourers. They have thus been able to fight the exclusion by the Forest Department and the exploitation of landlords; this has had an impact in reducing poverty and increasing their assets. Women played an important leadership role in fighting the repressive state machinery and feudal forces to assert their constitutional rights.
After achieving a stable production of food grains, forest dwellers of the region have pledged to plant trees to protect livelihoods and the environment. In as many as 20 clusters where forestland has been reclaimed, women have planted more than 10,000 trees this year to protest the JICA plantation drive overseen by the Forest Department. The JICA programme involves the formation of JFM committees consisting of feudal and upper caste households in the village thus working against the FRA. The JFM committees are engaging in plantation work in the same lands for which forest people are filing and/or have received claims under the FRA. Forest people have openly challenged these FRA committee. This class war is being instigated in every village in forest region by FD in order to protect its landlordism. The FD does want to loose its landlordism therefore it is leaving no stone unturned to defeat the Forest Rights Act.
A massive rally was taken out by tribal women on 4th July 2011 to assert their community rights over forests. Dressed in red and green saris, each woman brought a sapling as they traversed the entire township of Robertsganj, the headquarter of district Sonbhadra. The women assembled in the premises of the District Court, which is also the office of the Deputy Collector. The sapling were planted in a big park inside the premises. The mood of the women was very festive and they sang beautiful songs. The action spread the message in the entire region that forest people will assert their rights over their community forests and will not allow any company, Forest department or others to take control of their forests. The women also challenged the State that if their community rights were not recognized then they will themselves draw maps, identify the boundaries of forestland and takeover possession from the Forest Department. According to Sokalo Panika, a tribal women who was present at the gathering, “the plantation done by FD is total failure. The plantation is being done on papers and JFM is money making committee”. Rajkumari Bhuiya another tribal women said, “the plantation done by the JFM committees are of no use to the community. They plant commercial varieties that are not good for the environment also”.
The tribal and dalit communities have started serving notices on behalf of FRA to these JFM committees to stop such plantation otherwise action will be taken against sec 7 of the Act, which notes that anyone working against the Act shall be punished. The women served these notices in a ceremonial way that shocked the Forest Department and the administration that are not serious about FRA implementation. Notices were pasted outside every government office starting from JFM committee to Forest Range office, to police station, the offices of the Collector and Deputy Collector. Copies were also sent to State Principal Secretaries of Forest, Revenue and Tribal Department; Chef Secretary, Chief Minister, Environment Minister and Tribal Affairs Minister. They have also sent notices to newspapers to stop writing in favour of the Forest Department. As Mithailal Gond, a tribal leader said, “earlier we were being served noticed by the Forest Department to vacate our land. Now we have got the right and power under the FRA. Hence we will now serve notices to these departments for illegal activities.”
Roma is affiliated to the National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers
Notes
1. There is no law basically to protect the rights of people whose livelihood are based on natural resources. The law in forest, fisheries, and mining are geared against people and extracting revenue from these natural resources.

Banjaar Kullu, mein samudayik sampada par concept note

जब कोई विचार आम जनमानस में समाहित हो जाता है, तब वह एक वास्तविक सामाजिक शक्ति में तब्दील हो जाता है

- कार्ल माकर््स

सामुदायिक संपदा, अधिकार एवं आजीविका

पारंपरिक समुदायों, आजीविका के अधिकारों
एवं
आंदोलनों के समन्वय पर
राष्ट्रीय परिसंवाद
बंजार-कुल्लू 24-26 जून, 2011

विचार पत्र
पिछली कई सदियों से सामुदायिक संपदा पर अपना अधिकार जताने वाले समुदायों और उनका जन्मसिद्ध अधिकार हड़पने वाली सरकारों के बीच हमेशा एक संघर्ष रहा है। औपनिवेशिक काल के पहले से और उसके बाद के भी इतिहास को जब हम देखते हैं तो औपनिवेशिक भारत में हुए अधिकांश संघर्ष जिनमें खूनी संघर्ष भी शामिल रहे हैं, सिर्फ सत्ता पर अधिकार के लिये न होकर सामुदायिक संपदा पर अपने पारंपरिक मालिकाना अधिकारों और उसका बाजारीकरण करने की कोशिश करने वाले शासन तंत्र के खिलाफ भी रहे हैं।

यह बात हम औपनिवेशिक भारत के इतिहास में बिरसा मुंडा और तिलका माझी जैसे प्रख्यात आदिवासी नेतृत्व में किये गये संघर्षों से अच्छी तरह से समझ सकते हैं। इसी दौर में देश के सम्पन्न वर्गों के नेतृत्व में हुए राष्ट्रीय आंदोलनों को एक दिशा में खींचने के और दूसरी ओर आदिवासियों और प्राकृतिक संपदा पर निर्भरशील हमेशा हाशिये पर रखे गये अन्य शोषित वर्गों के नेतृत्व में होने वाले आंदोलनों के दूसरी ओर खींचने के इतिहास के भी हम गवाह रहे हैं। उस दौर में लागू किया गया विनाशकारी ‘भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून-1894‘ जोकि शासक वर्ग के एकाधिकार के सिद्धांत पर आधारित है, यह कानून भी मुख्य रूप से उस वक्त में समुदायों के नेतृत्व में चल रहे संघर्षों के दमन को सुनिश्चित करने के लिये की गयी एक कठोर कार्रवाई ही थी। इस दमनकारी प्रक्रिया की राजनैतिक अर्थव्यवस्था यह थी कि वन संसाधनों से और उस उत्पादन प्रक्रिया से जुड़े हुए श्रम से पूंजी के प्राथमिक जुटाव को समेकित किया जाये। तआज्जुब की बात यह रही कि स्वतंत्र भारत के शासक वर्ग ने भी इस जनविरोधी कानून का लाभ उठाया और सरकार ने पूंजीवाद पर आधारित आद्योगीकरण को बढ़ावा देने के लिये इसकी मदद से ज़मीन और संसाधनो पर औपनिवेशिक काल से किये जा रहे हमलों को जारी रखा। यह सब हमले आज़ाद भारत की सरकारों द्वारा राष्ट्र निर्माण के नाम पर किये गये।

दूसरी ओर हम देखते हैं कि पूंजीवादी समर्थक आर्थिक उदारीकरण को बढ़ावा देने के लिये शासन और पूंजी बाज़ार सहित इसके नये ऐजेंटों ने इस मौजूदा माध्यम को इस्तेमाल करके सामुदायिक संपदा और नागरिकों के निजी स्वामित्व वाले संसाधनों पर भी अपना वर्चस्व कायम करने के लिये नये-नये तरीकों को इजाद करके अपनाया। आज हम जिस युग में सांस ले रहे हैं, यह पूंजी की वृद्धि पर आधारित विकास के माडल की परिकल्पना का 1990 के बाद का नया युग है, जो कि आईएफआईजी, अंतर्राष्ट्रीय वित्तीय संस्थानांे और बड़ी-बड़ी राष्ट्रीय-अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों द्वारा निर्देशित होता है और आखि़रकार जो कि पूरी राजसत्ता पर काबिज हो गया है।

पिछले दो दशक में जैसे-जैसे पूंजीवादी भूमंडलीकरण के हमले तेज़ हुए हैं, वैसे-वैसे सामुदायिक सम्पदा पर वैश्विक पूंजी का दावा भी पहले से कई गुणा बढ़ गया है। दूसरी तरफ इसके जवाब में समुदायों के अपनी सामुदायिक संपदा पर अधिकार कायम करने के संघर्ष को भी धीरे-धीरे आधार मिलने लगा और इसी आधार पर वैश्वििक न्याय के आंदोलन के संघर्ष में सामुदायिक शक्ति एक प्रमुख शक्ति के रूप में उभरकर सामने आ रही है।

जैसे-जैसे दुनियाभर में नवउदारवादी एजेंडा मज़बूत हुआ है, एक बात साफतौर पर सामने आ रही है कि इन संरचनात्मक संयोजन के नाम पर किये गये कार्यक्रमों का उद्ेश्य न सिर्फ राजकीय सम्पत्ति को कमजोर करना है, बल्कि समुदायों द्वारा संघर्ष करके हासिल की गयी सामूहिक संपदा के ऊपर कायम किये गये अधिकारों के आधार को नष्ट करने और भविष्य में कहीं भी सामूहिक संपदा पर समुदायों को अपना अधिकार कायम करने से रोकना भी है। यह बात अगर हम भूमि नीति के सुधारों की मांग, कृषि उत्पादों की सरकारी खरीद और सरकार की मूल्य निर्धारण नीतियों का अवलोकन करें तो साफ दिखाई देने लगेगी। इसके पीछे इनकी मूल मंशा यह है कि भूमि का निजीकरण किया जाये और एक नया भूमि बाज़ार तैयार किया जाये लेकिन ज़मीनी तौर पर समुदायों के लगातार बढ़ते संघर्षों के कारण 80 के दशक में और 90 के दशक की शुरुआत में अंतर्राष्ट्रीय खाद्य एवं कृषि संगठन और कई राष्ट्रों की सरकारें ज़मीन पर समुदायों के सामूहिक संपदा के अधिकार को मान्यता देने को बाध्य हुईं। देर से ही सही 2006 के अन्त में ‘‘अनुसूचित जनजाति एवं अन्य परंपरागत निवासी(वनाधिकारों की मान्यता) कानून‘‘ को पास करना भी इसी प्रक्रिया का हिस्सा है। आज देशभर में समुदाय मज़बूत तबकों द्वारा भूमि हड़पने और जन संसाधनों पर निजी नियंत्रण के खिलाफ संघर्षरत हैं।

आज अगर हम व्यापार एवं उद्योग संबन्धी आंकड़ों को देखें तो वे साफ दर्शाते हैं कि पूंजीवादी विकास का यह माडल न सिर्फ पारिस्थितिकी एवं सामाजिक रूप से बल्कि आर्थिक रूप से भी टिकाऊ नहीं है। विकास के तमाम तथाकथित ईंजन खासतौर पर आयात और विदेशी प्रोद्योगिकी पर निर्भर हैं। जिनका परिणाम ये होता है कि उनका विस्तार केवल कंपनी हितों को लाभ पहुंचाने के लिये ही होता है, वे आम आदमी को किसी भी तरह का रोजगार पैदा करने या मजदूरी तक के साधनों तक पहुंच बढ़ाने में भी किसी भी तरह से सहायक सिद्ध नहीं होते। एसईज़ेड कानून पूंजीवाद को मदद करने के लिये ही पारित किया गया, लेकिन ऐसे क्षेत्रों में निर्माण के कारण विस्थापित होने वाले लोगों के हितों की रक्षा के लिये कोई प्रावधान नहीं रखा गया।

आज सरकार द्वारा विकास के नाम पर जल-जंगल-ज़मीन और खनिज जैसे सामुदायिक संसाधनों को अधिग्रहित किया जा रहा है और धन अर्जित करने के लिये पूंजीवादियों के हाथों में सौंपा जा रहा है। ग्रामीण पारंपरिक व्यवस्था को एक सोची समझी चाल के तहत कमज़ोर किया जा रहा है। लघु उद्योग, कुटीर उद्योग, हैन्डलूम और हस्तकला शिल्प उद्योग आज अपना आधार खो रहे हैं। एक तरफ छोटे और सीमांत किसानों को निराशा हो रही है तो दूसरी ओर बड़ी-बड़ी कम्पनियां ठेका आधारित खेती को बढ़ाने के लिये संसाधनों तक अपनी पहुंच को बढ़ाना चाह रही हैं। इस पूरे खेल में यह ध्यान देना ज़रूरी है कि राष्ट्रों के अंदर एवं उनके बीच, असमानता के आर्थिक एवं राजनैतिक मुद्दे वितरण एवं उपभोग पर असर डालते हैं और ये पर्यावरणीय संतुलन के बिगड़ने के मुख्य कारक हैं।

संकट इस बात पर भी है कि पिछले 60 सालों में देश के बहुसंख्यक वंचित तबकों के हवा, पानी, ज़मीन, खनिज और जंगल जैसे प्राकृतिक संसाधनों पर अधिकार और उपलब्धता को चंद मुट्ठीभर लोगों द्वारा लगातार हड़पा गया है। इस दौर में अस्थाई आर्थिक विकास और जीवाश्म ईंधन के इस्तेमाल और खनन उद्योगों पर निर्भर अर्थव्यवस्था पर आधारित अःसमान विकास के कारण कार्बन के उत्सर्जन में भी तेज़ी आई है, जो कि धरती की सोखने की क्षमता से कहीं ज़्यादह है। आज दुनिया में ग्रीन हाउस गैसों के उत्सर्जन में तीव्रता से तत्काल कटौती की सख्त ज़रूरत है। लेकिन यह इच्छा न तो भारत सरकार की स्थिति और नीति हस्तक्षेपों में दिखती है और ना ही दुनिया की दूसरी सरकारों में। जलवायु परिवर्तन यानि मौसमी बदलाव आज गरीब तबकों के लिये एक गंभीर संकट बन गया है। आज भारत में भी कई इलाकों में इस मौसमी बदलाव के व्यापक और भयानक असर देखे जा रहे हैं। इस असर से प्रभावित क्षेत्रों में शहरी कामगार गरीबों, हिमालय सहित अन्य पहाड़ी लोगों, मछुआरों, अन्य तटीय व द्वीपों पर बसे समुदायों, छोटे सीमांत किसानों, खेतीहर मज़दूरों, दलितों, महिलाओं, आदिवासी व अन्य वनजनों और विभिन्न क्षेत्रों मंें हाशिये पर रहने वाले समुदायों के जीवन और उनकी आजीविका पर गहरा विपरीत प्रभाव डाला है।

हालांकि नवउदारवाद को दुनियाभर में प्राकृतिक सामुदायिक संपदा पर अपने अधिकारों की रक्षा कर रहे समुदायों की ओर से कड़ा प्रतिरोध भी झेलना पड़ रहा है। पूंजीवादी शक्तियों की खनिज और जीवाश्म ईंधन के प्रति बढ़ती भूख के विरोध में ज़मीन के उस हिस्से पर भी संघर्ष बढ़ रहा है जो कि वनों से आच्छादित है। चूंकि वनक्षेत्रों में ऐतिहासिक तौर पर मूलनिवासी, आदिवासी और पारंपरिक रूप से रहने वाले वन निवासी ही रहते हैं जो कि मुख्य रूप से जंगल से प्राप्त होने वाली वनोपज पर ही निर्भरशील हैं, जिनका संघर्ष आज एक ऐतिहासिक मोड़ पर खड़ा है। वे एक ओर वनाधिकार कानून को और इसके क्रियान्वयन की सरकारी प्रक्रिया को मुखर चुनौती दे रहे हैं, तो दूसरी ओर वन कटान और क्षरण के ज़रिये उत्सर्जन कम करने के नाम पर खेली जा रहीं आरईडीडी जैसी अनगिनत चालों को भी चुनौती दे रहे हैं।

सरकार द्वारा लागू की गयी ढांचागत परियोजनाओं और उद्योगों के लिये खेती की ज़मीनों का अधिग्रहण किये जाने के विरोध में भी राज्य प्राधिकरणों और स्थानीय समुदायों के बीच संघर्ष बढ़ा है। लोगों का बड़ी संख्या में अनियंत्रित विस्थापन हो रहा है और ज़मीनी स्तर पर उपयुक्त पुनस्र्थापन और पुनर्वास नहीं किया जा रहा है। सरकार और बड़ी-बड़ी कम्पनियां ज़मीन सम्बन्धी सभी कानूनों का उलंघन करने के लिये पूरी तरह से आज़ाद हैं।

सरकार और कंपनियों द्वारा की जा रही संसाधनों की लूट के व्यापक असर के कारण समुदायों द्वारा किये जा रहे संघर्ष भी विकेन्द्रित हैं और कई जगहों पर आपस में जुड़े भी नहीं हैं। ये आज मध्यम वर्गीय बुद्धिजीवियों के नेतृत्व में भी नहीं चल रहे हैं और न ही उनके भरोसे पर। समुदायों की लगातार बढ़ती जनचेतना ही इन आंदोलनों को आगे बढ़ा रही है। वे अब मान रहे हैं, कह रहे हैं और इसको अमल में भी ला रहे हैं कि सरकार के साथ समुदायों की अब सीधी टक्कर है। वे इसके लिये कई जगहों पर अपनी जान की परवाह भी नहीं कर रहे हैं। समुदायों की इस बढ़ती जनचेतना के आगे अब नवउदारवादियों का रास्ता भी उतना आसान नहीं रहा है। नंदीग्राम, सिंगूर, रायगढ़, चिंगारा और सोनभद्र के संघर्ष बढ़ती हुई जनचेतना की ऐसी नज़ीरें हैं, जहां पर लोग अपनी जान को हथेली पर रख कर आंदोलन को अपनी ताक़त से आगे बढ़ा रहे हैं और यह सुनिश्चित कर रहे हैं कि नवउदारवादी आर्थिक प्रक्रिया आगे न बढ़ पाये। इन आंदोलनों में नारी संचेतना का उद्भव विशेष रूप से उल्लेखनीय है, जोकि आंदोलनों में महिला नेतृत्व की भूमिका की ज़रूरत को स्थापित कर रहा है। निश्चित रूप से इस तरह के संघर्ष जनआंदोलनो को उत्साहित कर रहे हैं और एक नयी दिशा भी दे रहे हैं।

पिछले कुछ सालों से हिमाचल प्रदेश की वादियों में और पर्वतीय इलाकों में ऐसे अन्याय पूर्ण और जनविरोधी प्रोजेक्टों के खिलाफ जन आक्रोष बढ़ रहा है। ऐसे आंदोलनों को व्यापक मान्यता, समर्थन और प्रोत्साहन देना ज़रूरी है और साथ-साथ रेणुका बाॅध विस्थापन विरोधी संघर्ष से लेकर स्काई विलेज प्रोजेक्ट, जे0पी0 ग्रुप की सीमेंट फैक्टी के खिलाफ आंदोलन और थर्मल बिजली प्लांट के खिलाफ सफलता पूर्वक चल रहे आंदोलनों का उत्सव भी मनाना चाहिये। इसी संदर्भ में राष्ट्रीय परिसंवाद कार्यक्रम का स्थान हिमाचल प्रदेश के जिला कुल्लू के बंजार में तय होना महत्वपूर्ण है।

सोच यह है कि, वन संघर्ष के संगठनों, मछुआरों के राष्ट्रीय संगठन, झारखंड के खनन विरोधी संघर्ष, उड़ीसा व छत्तीसगढ़ के काॅरपोरेट विरोधी संघर्ष, केरल, उत्तर प्रदेश व आंध्र प्रदेश के सकारात्मक भूमि संघर्ष, दक्षिण एवं उत्तर भारत के दलित संघर्ष आदि विभिन्न आंदोलनो के बीच राजनीति, आंदोलन, रणनीति और समन्वय पर चर्चा और साझा मंथन के लिए बैठा जाए। मौजूदा दौर में वन आंदोलनों का ऐजेंडा वनाधिकार कानून से आगे जाकर और समुदाय शासित वन क्षेत्र की दिशा में जाना है। मछुआरों के संघर्ष ने हाल ही में सरकार के खिलाफ एक बड़ी लड़ाई जीती है, जब वे तटीय प्रबंधन क्षेत्र (सीएमजेड) अधिसूचना को रद्द करा पाये और पिछले तीन सालों के संरक्षित संघर्ष के माध्यम से शक्तिशाली तटीय नियमन क्षेत्र अवधारणा को वापस लाने में सफल हुए। मछुआरों के अधिकार विधेयक का मसौदा आने से, मछुआरों को अधिकारों के कानून के अवसरों एवं चुनौतियों के मामले में वन-जनों के अनुभवों से सीखने की जरूरत है।

इस परिसंवाद का उद्देश्य है जमीनी स्तर पर चल रहे विभिन्न समुदायों के आंदोलनो को साथ लाया जाए और आने वाले संकट से लड़ने के लिए सामूहिक प्रक्रिया विकसित करने में सक्षम किया जाए। जिससे विविध आंदोलनो के अंतर्गत सहयोग निर्माण और यहां तक कि पूंजीवाद एवं पूंजीवादी सरकार के खिलाफ एक बड़े संघर्ष की तैयारी के लिए उन्हें संगठित करने के मुद्दे पर ध्यान दिया जा सके। परिसंवाद में खासकर महिलाओं एवं आदिवासियों सहित अन्य वंचित समुदायों को सशक्त करने के लिए विभिन्न राष्ट्रीय कानूनों के जमीनी स्तर पर मजबूत क्रियान्वयन के लिए पेसा, वनाधिकार कानून एवं नरेगा जैसे काूननों पर भी ध्यान दिया जाएगा।
क्रान्तिकारी अभिनन्दन के साथ

गुमान सिंह, कुलभूषण उपमन्यु, आर. एस. नेगी (हिमालय नीति अभियान); रोमा, मुन्नीलाल, अशोक चैधरी (राष्ट्रीय वन जन श्रमजीवी मंच); गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा, छत्तीसगढ़); शांता भट्टाचार्या (कैमूर क्षेत्र महिला मजदूर संघर्ष समिति, उत्तर प्रदेश); ममता कुजूर (आदिवासी महिला महासंघ, छत्तीसगढ़); मधुरेश कुमार (एनएपीएम); तरूण जोशी (वन पंचायत संघर्ष समिति, उत्तराख्ंाड़); मुन्नी हंसदा (आदिवासी कल्याण परिषद, दुमका, झारखण्ड़); सुशोवन धर (सुन्दरवन वन अधिकार संग्राम समिति, पश्चिम बंगाल); विजयन एम. जे. (दिल्ली फोरम); अनिल टी. वर्गीज (प्रोग्राम फाॅर सोशल एक्शन)

Story of struggle by Ashish Tripathi - Principal correspondant, TOI

Freedom after a century of struggle

The tribal villages of Surma and Golbojhi celebrated their liberation on the occasion of International Labour Day on May 1. The freedom came after 107 years of struggle when the tribals got ownership of the forestland they have been dependent on for centuries. Home to about 450 Tharu tribe families, the two forest villages are situated in the core zone of the Dudhwa National Park in Lakhimpur district of UP.

At a time when tribal areas in the country are in the grip of Naxalism, Surma and Golbojhi got liberation after decades of non-violent democratic struggle without firing a single bullet. The two villages are also the first tribal settlements in the country, situated in a national park, to get benefit of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006.

Around 700 acres of the forestland has been distributed among the tribals with each family getting up to four acres. The UP government has also granted them the status of Ambedkar villages, which means that they will now have road connectivity, a primary school and a health centre. Tribals are now also entitled to benefits of various welfare schemes of the state and central governments. The villages are also expected to get the community ownership of the forest land and its produce soon, allowing tribals access to dry grass and wood, tendu leaves, herbs and other forest produce to support their families and livestock.

No wonder that the achievement is historic. That’s the reason why over 5,000 forest dwellers from different parts of UP came to take part in the festivities. Now people have land which they can cultivate for livelihood, send children to school and benefit from constitutional rights as citizens of India. The success has come after years of sacrifices, hardship and untold misery. Ironically, the entire event was ignored by the mainstream national media, which, however, efficiently covers Naxal violence in tribal areas and gives unnecessary space to those who glamaorize and try to justify Naxalism or Maoism. Many peaceful revolutions like those of Surma and Golbojhi are taking or have taken place in India but are not getting the required media attention. Maybe "peace" is not sensational enough to attract eyeballs required for TRP and the stories about poor tribals preferring non-violent Satyagrah over Naxalism are not moving enough to boost readership.

But I feel such motivating stories must be told to our new generation, particularly the privileged lot who took birth in a free India. Since they have got freedom absolutely free, they are generally insensitive towards the suffering of their underprivileged brethren. In 1904, the Tharu tribals were deprived of their land when the British took over the forest from the queen of Khairgarh estate, which came under Awadh kingdom. The entire forest cover was wiped out by the second world war in 1939-45 due to excessive exploitation. Tharus regenerated the forests in the next 20 years. The country got freedom in 1947 but the British legacy continued in the forest department in free India. Tribals were declared encroachers in their own land in 1978 after the area was converted into a national park. Out of 37 Tharu villages in the area, 35 were relocated. However, inhabitants of Surma and Golbojhi refused to evacuate their land, although land was allotted to them for rehabilitation, it was not only smaller than their original villages but was also already occupied by other tribals. The people of the two villages approached the high court in 1980 but lost the 23-year-long legal battle in 2003.

With eviction threat looming large and no other option left, the tribals decided to launch a non-violent struggle. Women took the lead and formed the Tharu Adivasi Mahila Mazdoor Kisan Manch to lead the agitation. They were assisted by the activists associated with National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers (NFFPFW). Tribals were harassed, beaten up and subjected to atrocities by the forest personnel. Tribals collected dry wood and grass to repair thatched houses, for handicraft and for fuel but the forest department slapped criminal cases on them on charges of poaching, tree felling and trespassing. Cases were lodged even against children, those who died long ago and those who left the place 20 years ago. "If we are involved in poaching and tree felling, can anybody explain why we continue to live in abject poverty, whereas officials lead a lavish life?” argued Lalmati, a tribal.

In 2006, Parliament passed the FRA and a notification was issued in January 2008 after two years of debate. It came as a shot in the arm for tribals but it still took them more than three years to get the rights. In fact, tribals and the activists working with them told me that the past three years were the most difficult ones. This was the time, they say, when forest department along with the forest mafia and feudal forces tried every trick to evict tribals. The houses of villagers were set on fire and many were arrested on false charges. While under FRA, the gram sabha is entitled to make recommendations about the residential status of a person, forest guards were caught issuing domicile certificates declaring tribals as encroachers. The attempt was to confuse the state government which fortunately was in favour of giving land rights to tribals. Several petitions were also filed in the court by retired forest officials at the behest of the serving ones to stop the government from giving ownership titles to the original inhabitants of forests.

Ram Chandra Rana, another tribal, recalled how some "wildlife enthusiasts" joined the battle with the argument that converting a village situated in the core zone of tiger reserve will be a threat to wildlife, particularly tigers. "Our answer was simple for hundreds of years, forests were safe in the hands of tribals but forest cover started depleting and wildlife came under threat soon after the forest department was formed. But the fact is that tribals treat forest as God, hence they protect the habitat. The number of tigers decreased when forests were under the full control of the forest department but after implementation of the FRA, that is, as tribals started getting land titles, the number of tigers increased everywhere in the country," he said. But why didn't you take the rehabilitation package of Rs 10 lakh along with a piece of land. “We cannot sell our motherland. It's the question of our self-respect and right to live with dignity,” he said.

After hearing the stories of sufferings, sacrifices and achievments of these tribals and activists like Ashok Da who dedicated his entire life for underprivileged, I was forced to ask myself a question: “What have I done besides jotting down some words while sitting in my air-conditioned office and feeling great about it?” I found the answer in “Why I Am An Atheist?”, written by revolutionary Bhagat Singh in 1930: “...A short life of struggle with no such magnificent end, shall in itself be the reward if I have the courage to take it in that light. That is all. With no selfish motive, or desire to be awarded here or hereafter, quite disinterestedly have I devoted my life to the cause of independence, because I could not do otherwise. The day we find a great number of men and women with this psychology who cannot devote themselves to anything else than the service of mankind and emancipation of the suffering humanity; that day shall inaugurate the era of liberty....”

Even if 10% of us (priveleged class) follow what Bhagat Singh said, 90% of India's problems will be solved.

Aab baagh aur Insaan saath rahenge - Article by Roma and Rajnish

सूरमा देश का पहला वनग्राम बनाः अब बाघ और इंसान साथ रहेंगे

उत्तर प्रदेश के खीरी ज़िले का सूरमा वनग्राम देश का ऐसा पहला वनग्राम बन गया है, जिसके बाशिंदे थारू आदिवासियों ने पर्यावरण बचाने की जंग अभिजात्य वर्ग द्वारा स्थापित मानकों और अंग्रेज़ों द्वारा स्थापित वन विभाग से जीत ली है. बड़े शहरों में रहने वाले पर्यावरणविदों, वन्यजीव प्रेमियों, अभिजात्य वर्ग और वन विभाग का मानना है कि आदिवासियों के रहने से जंगलों का विनाश होता है, इसलिए उन्हें बेदख़ल कर दिया जाना चाहिए. जबकि वैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण और सांस्कृतिक रूप से देखा जाए तो आदिवासियों और वनों के बीच अटूट रिश्ता है. वन हैं तो आदिवासी हैं. आदिवासी हैं तो दुर्लभ वन्यजीव-जंतु भी हैं. वनग्राम सूरमा और गोलबोझी के आदिवासियों ने आख़िर वनाधिकार क़ानून 2006 के सहारे यह साबित कर दिया कि वन्यजीव-जंतुओं की तरह वे भी वनों के अभिन्न अंग हैं, जिसे दुर्भाग्यवश वन विभाग और अभिजात्य वर्ग समझने में असमर्थ है. सूरमा वनग्राम को इस क़ानून के तहत देश में किसी नेशनल पार्क के कोर ज़ोन में मान्यता पाने वाले पहले गांव का गौरव प्राप्त हुआ. बीते 8 अप्रैल को ज़िलाधिकारी खीरी ने स्वयं इन गांवों में जाकर 347 परिवारों को मालिकाना हक़ सौंपा.

सूरमा गांव का इतिहास 1861 में वन विभाग की स्थापना के बाद बनी इस क्षेत्र की विभिन्न कार्य योजनाओं में मिलता है. उनमें बताया गया है कि यह गांव 1857 से भी पूर्व से बसा है, जब ब्रिटिश हुक़ूमत ने वन विभाग की स्थापना भी नहीं की थी. यहां थारुओं के 37 गांव थे, जो बर्दिया गांव के नाम से जाने जाते थे.

सत्तर के दशक से राष्ट्रीय उद्यान के अंदर वन विभाग और वन्यजीव-जंतु प्रेमियों द्वारा गांव की मौजूदगी का जमकर विरोध किया जाता रहा है, जिसके चलते पिछले तीस सालों के दौरान देश के विभिन्न राष्ट्रीय उद्यानों से हज़ारों परिवारों को संविधान के अनुच्छेद 21 की मंशा के ख़िला़फ और बिना कोई वैकल्पिक व्यवस्था किए बेरहमी से बेदख़ल किया गया, लेकिन 2006 में बने वनाधिकार क़ानून ने वनों में रहने वाले समुदायों के साथ हुए अन्याय को दूर करते हुए राष्ट्रीय उद्यानों को संकटग्रस्त वन्यजीव-जंतु आवास क्षेत्र घोषित करने की योजना में वहां रहने वाले ग्रामीणों की भागीदारी को स्वीकारा और उन्हें वनों के अंदर रहने की अनुमति प्रदान की. देखने में आ रहा है कि जहां लोग संघर्ष कर रहे हैं, वहां तो वनाधिकार क़ानून के सहारे ग्रामीणों द्वारा सरकार और वन विभाग का दोहरापन सामने लाने की कोशिश की जा रही है. राष्ट्रीय पार्कों में वनाधिकार क़ानून लागू न करके वन विभाग द्वारा लोगों को दस लाख रुपये का लालच देकर गांव खाली करने के लिए फुसलाया जा रहा है. कई जगहों पर वन विभाग की मनमानी अब भी क़ायम है, वहां वनों से लोगों की बेदखली बदस्तूर ज़ारी है. सूरमा का संघर्ष तमाम थारू क्षेत्र की गरिमा का सवाल था. यह केवल कुछ परिवारों के अस्तित्व का संघर्ष नहीं था, बल्कि इन परिवारों के साथ जुड़ी सांस्कृतिक धरोहर के रूप में वनों एवं वन्यजीव-जंतुओं को बचाने का भी संघर्ष था. आज़ादी के बाद से ही दुधवा के अंदर वनों का अंधाधुंध दोहन शुरू हो गया. वन विभाग, पुलिस एवं सशस्त्र सीमाबल की साठगांठ से वन्यजीव-जंतुओं की बड़े पैमाने पर तस्करी के लिए राष्ट्रीय और अंतरराष्ट्रीय गिरोह सक्रिय हुए. आदिवासियों के लिए वन उनकी जीविका का साधन होते हैं, इसलिए वनों का विनाश उनके लिए नुक़सानदायक था. बाघों के साथ उनका जीवन सहज ही था. बाघ और मनुष्य में किसी प्रकार का बैर नहीं था, लेकिन वनों को राजस्व प्राप्ति का साधन मान लिए जाने के कारण स्थानीय लोगों-आदिवासियों को वनों का दुश्मन क़रार दे दिया गया.

सूरमा गांव का इतिहास 1861 में वन विभाग की स्थापना के बाद बनी इस क्षेत्र की विभिन्न कार्य योजनाओं में मिलता है. उनमें बताया गया है कि यह गांव 1857 से भी पूर्व से बसा है, जब ब्रिटिश हुक़ूमत ने वन विभाग की स्थापना भी नहीं की थी. यहां थारुओं के 37 गांव थे, जो बर्दिया गांव के नाम से जाने जाते थे. 28 फरवरी, 1879 को ये नेपाल सीमा के रिजर्व फारेस्ट घोषित कर दिए गए. यह इलाका उस समय अवध प्रांत की खैरीगढ़ रियासत का हिस्सा था, जिसे महारानी खैरीगढ़ ने 1904 में हुए एक करारनामे पर हस्ताक्षर करके वन विभाग के अधीन कर दिया था. यह गांव कब राजस्व गांव से वनग्राम बन गए, यह पूरी कहानी वन विभाग के दस्तावेज़ों में अंकित है. वनग्राम बनाने का मतलब था इन गांवों के तमाम अधिकारों का खात्मा और इनसे वनों के अंदर बेगार कराना. ये वन विभाग की संपत्ति बना दिए गए. 1978 तक ये गांव वन विभाग के नियंत्रण में रहे. दुधवा नेशनल पार्क की घोषणा के बाद 37 में से 35 थारू गांव राजस्व विभाग को सौंप दिए गए, जबकि सूरमा और गोलबोझी को वन विभाग के अधीन छोड़ दिया गया. 2 फरवरी, 1978 को विख्यात वन्यजीव-जंतु प्रेमी बिली अर्जन सिंह द्वारा इस वन क्षेत्र को दुधवा राष्ट्रीय उद्यान बनाए जाने के प्रस्ताव को केंद्र सरकार की मंजूरी मिल गई. दुधवा नेशनल पार्क बना, लेकिन आज़ाद भारत में थारुओं के तमाम संवैधानिक अधिकार छीन लिए गए और इन्हें वन विभाग का गुलाम बना दिया गया. यह वही बिली अर्जन सिंह हैं, जिन्होंने 12 साल की उम्र में बाघ का शिकार किया था. बिली ने इस नेशनल पार्क के अंदर और बाहर 400 एकड़ भूमि पर क़ब्ज़ा भी कर लिया, जिसमें से 80 एकड़ भूमि अभी हाल में बसपा सरकार द्वारा ज़ब्त की गई. इन जंगलों में बिली अर्जन सिंह द्वारा बाघों का शिकार किया गया. उन्होंने एक बाघिन को पालतू बनाकर रखा था, जो नरभक्षी हो गई थी. बाघिन ने 80 के दशक में एक विदेशी पर्यटक के बच्चे को अपना शिकार बना लिया, लेकिन कोई कार्यवाही नहीं हुई. एक तऱफ शिकारियों को प्रोत्साहन मिला और दूसरी तऱफ थारू आदिवासियों को उपेक्षा एवं तिरस्कार.

घने जंगलों में बसे, विकास की हर किरण से दूर और हिकारत भरी नज़रों से देखे जाने वाले सूरमा गांव के निवासियों ने जीवन का सूर्य कभी अस्त नहीं होने दिया. वे बिना किसी सरकारी मदद के अपने बलबूते पर मिट्टी के घरों में आबाद रहे, खेती नहीं छोड़ी और बच्चों पढ़ाया भी. इन जंगलों में बाघों के लिए करोड़ों रुपये का बजट आता था, लेकिन विडंबना यह थी कि वनों में रहने वाले बाघ उपेक्षित थे और थारू भी. नेशनल पार्क बनने के बाद बाघों की तस्करी धड़ल्ले से होने लगी और अपराधी ठहराए जाते सूरमा में रहने वाले आदिवासी. अन्याय और उत्पीड़न की इंतहा कर दी गई. एक बारह वर्षीय स्कूली बच्चे को वन विभाग के कर्मचारियों ने पकड़ कर जेल मे ढाई साल तक सड़ाया. जवाहर नामक ग्रामवासी को शेर की खाल रखने के झूठे आरोप में छह महीने तक जेल में रखा गया, स़िर्फ इसलिए कि वह वन विभाग की पोल जानता था और उसके द्वारा की जा रही चोरी के ख़िला़फ आवाज़ उठाता था. आज से महज़ चार वर्ष पहले कोई सोच भी नहीं सकता था कि किसी राष्ट्रीय उद्यान के कोर ज़ोन के अंदर किसी गांव को मालिकाना हक़ भी प्राप्त हो सकता है. यह तभी संभव हो पाया, जब 2006 में अनुसूचित एवं अन्य परंपरागत वन निवासी (वनाधिकारों को मान्यता) अधिनियम पारित हुआ और वनों में रहने वाले आदिवासियों एवं अन्य परंपरागत वन समुदायों को अंग्रेज़ों के ज़माने से स्थापित वन विभाग की गुलामी से मुक्ति मिली. हम कह सकते हैं कि सूरमा को 15 अगस्त, 1947 के बजाय 8 अप्रैल, 2011 को आज़ादी मिली.

इस गांव को वन विभाग द्वारा उजाड़ने की पूरी रणनीति बन चुकी थी, लेकिन जनसंगठनों, राष्ट्रीय वन-जन श्रमजीवी मंच, थारू आदिवासी महिला मज़दूर किसान मंच और मीडिया के सक्रिय सहयोग के सहारे सूरमा ने अपना संघर्ष ज़ारी रखा. वनों में रहने वाले अन्य गांवों को साथ लेकर एक सशक्त संगठन बनाया गया. अपना अस्तित्व बचाने के लिए सूरमा पिछले 33 वर्षों से लगातार संघर्ष कर रहा था. दुधवा नेशनल पार्क बनने के बाद इन दोनों गांवों को बेदखली के आदेश जारी कर दिए गए थे. सूरमा की कुल क़रीब 1250 एकड़ ज़मीन के बदले क़रीब 550 एकड़ ज़मीन 6 खंडों में बांटकर देने का प्रस्ताव किया गया, लेकिन इन 6 खंडों में भी पहले से ही अन्य थारू आदिवासी परिवार बसे हुए थे. सूरमा के लोगों ने इस प्रस्ताव को स्वीकार न करते हुए 1980 में उच्च न्यायालय की शरण ली. 23 सालों तक चले इस मुक़दमे का निर्णय 2003 में आया. अपने फैसले में उच्च न्यायालय ने भी पार्क प्रशासन के आदेशों को दोहराते हुए सूरमा को अपनी जगह से हटने का आदेश जारी किया. पार्क प्रशासन द्वारा गांव हटाने के लिए तमाम तरह की कार्रवाइयां की गईं, जिनमें हथियारबंद कार्रवाई भी शामिल थी. बावजूद इसके यहां के लोगों ने अपना संघर्ष ज़ारी रखा. सूरमा का आंदोलन रंग लाया और 2002 में राष्ट्रीय वन-जन श्रमजीवी मंच के घटक संगठन के रूप में थारू आदिवासी महिला मज़दूर किसान मंच का गठन करके संघर्ष और तेज़ कर दिया गया. 2005 में राष्ट्रीय मंच ने राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण विकास संस्थान हैदराबाद के साथ सूरमा, ध्यानपुर, पटिहन, बसंतापुर कलां और मकनपुर आदि पांच गांवों का अध्ययन किया. अक्टूबर 2007 में इस अध्ययन की रिपोर्ट के आधार पर यहां के ब्लॉक पलिया कलां में एक जन सुनवाई हुई, जिसमें सूरमा के मुद्दे को प्रमुखता से उठाया गया. 15 दिसंबर, 2006 को संसद में वनाधिकार क़ानून पारित होने और एक जनवरी, 2008 को इसके लागू हो जाने के बाद संघर्ष ने और भी तेज़ी पकड़ ली.

इस क़ानून के तहत गठित राज्य निगरानी समिति में जब सूरमा का मामला उठा, तब जाकर सरकार जागी. पड़ताल करने पर राज्य निगरानी समिति ने पाया कि उच्च न्यायालय में वन विभाग द्वारा जो तथ्य पेश किए गए थे, वे झूठे थे. इसलिए अब नया क़ानून आने के बाद सूरमा के विषय में पुन: विचार किया जा सकता है. सूरमा का मामला चूंकि राष्ट्रीय उद्यान के कोर ज़ोन का मामला था, इसलिए इसे राज्य निगरानी समिति द्वारा न्याय विभाग को सौंपा गया, जिसने अंतत: दिसंबर 2010 में इस गांव को पार्क क्षेत्र में वनाधिकार क़ानून के तहत बसाए जाने की स़िफारिश की. वनाधिकार क़ानून की धारा 4 (2) एवं 4 (5) और राज्य सरकार द्वारा 13 मई, 2005 के पूर्व अनुसूचित जाति एवं जनजाति के लोगों के क़ब्ज़े वाली ज़मीनों को नियमित करने के आदेशों को भी ध्यान में रखते हुए यह घोषणा की गई. इस तरह तमाम क़ानूनी प्रक्रियाएं पूरी होने के बाद सूरमा को 8 अप्रैल, 2011 को आज़ादी मिल गई. यह एक ऐतिहासिक जीत थी, जो न स़िर्फ सूरमा या खीरी या उत्तर प्रदेश के लिए, बल्कि पूरे देश के वन क्षेत्रों में रहने वाले वनाश्रित समुदायों और जन संगठनों के आंदोलनों की जीत है. हालांकि उत्पीड़न की इंतहा ने यहां के लोगों के सामने हथियारबंद आंदोलन का रास्ता खोल दिया था, लेकिन उन्होंने जनवादी तरीक़े से अपनी आवाज़ बुलंद की. अब सूरमा जैसी नज़ीर पैदा हो जाने के बाद देश के अन्य नेशनल पार्कों में स्थित ऐसे कई गांवों को ताक़त मिलेगी. वे अब वन विभाग की विस्थापन की चाल कामयाब नहीं होने देंगे, वे अब जंगलों को बचाएंगे और वन्यजीव-जंतुओं को भी.

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